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Tìm hiểuMẫu chuyện Khăn quàng ĐỎ VNVN Girls in Cambodia
   
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Báo Tự Do Ngôn luận ra đời, một bước đột phát trong nỗ lực phá vỡ chính sách độc tai bưng bít thông tin của CSVN.
Báo Tự Do Dân Chủ  ra đời, ngày 2 tháng 9 năm 2006, tại thủ đô Hà Nội.
Tòa án man rợ Cộng sản VN bịt miệng Linh mục Nguyễn Văn Lý.

Hoàng Sa&Trường Sa
Lực lượng Trung Cộng xâm lăng Hoàng Sa 1974
Tài liệu giá trị lich sử do Hải sư Thềm Sơn Hà sưu tìm.
Đại cương về Quần đảo Hoàng Sa 
Hình ảnh - Địa lý - Khí hậu - Vị trí chiến lược. 
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HQ10 đi vào lịch sử 
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VNCH mở cuộc hành quân Trần Hưng Đạo 48 tại Trường Sa cuối tháng 1/1974 để cũng cố chủ quyền VN ngăn ngừa tham vọng bành trướng của Trung cộng lấn chiếm quần đảo Trường Sa

 

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Một tài liệu sống thực để cho các thế hệ mai sau hiểu thêm về nỗi đau đớn của một cuộc tương tàn mà người Việt Nam dù Nam hay Bắc, đã không làm chủ được... 
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Chiến dịch Trần Hưng Đạo 4 bình định Năn Căn Cà Mau do Hải sư Trương Thanh Việt sưu tầm.


Hậu Quả của Chính sách Buôn Dân của CSVN

Report on the Exploitation of Vietnamese Girls in Cambodia

By Aaron Cohen

18 July 05

   I first considered anti-slavery research in Vietnam and Cambodia after coming across an article about the sale of Vietnamese women for $5000 dollars on eBay Singapore in early September, 2004. This blatant manifestation of modern day slavery shocked me.  A Vietnamese news correspondent came across web pages about the anti-slavery work I had done in the Sudan and the links we had made between the state-sponsored terrorism of Osama Ben Laden and the Al Qaeda network.  At the time, those involved in abducting slaves tried to make the argument that we were involved with rebel armies and a political agenda because we relied on the SPLA (Sudanese Peoples’ Liberation Army) for protection and access to these war zones near the front lines of the civil war, but it wasn’t true. Where governments are involved in human slavery it often makes sense to work with the opposition to further the cause of human rights. The situation, I suspected in Vietnam and Cambodia, would not be much different. The real tragedy in Sudan was not the rise of the rebel armies or the terrorist training camps in the northern part of the country; the real tragedy was the widespread and systematic violation of human rights in an entire region and what it would mean for the rest of the world.
    The Vietnamese correspondent asked me if I would be willing to investigate the human rights abuses of Vietnamese women and children.  She introduced me to a Vietnamese business man living in Garden Grove, California, by the name of Chanh Nguyen.  Mr. Nguyen told me more about the plight of thousands of Vietnamese women and girls who were being trafficked into the international sex trade.  Although Mr. Nguyen is a charismatic leader of a movement to bring democracy and freedom to Vietnam, his care for Vietnamese victims of slavery and his funding of vocational schools for such victims spoke of his concern for victims of human slavery. After all, like in Sudan, the communist government of Vietnam on the other side was clearly allowing human rights disasters to go on unchecked. And like in Sudan, I would have to go into the field to see for myself. Another journalist friend of mine, Mikel Dunham, who had taken an interest in my work, told me that he would be in Cambodia in November and that he too was interested in learning more about human trafficking.  I contacted Mr. Nguyen to let him know of the proposed trip, and he told me that he had many friends in the Cambodian military.  He also told me that members of the Cambodian Special forces could retrieve any captive women I might find.  Little did I realize that I was about to immerse myself into a conflict between Cambodian Special Forces and Cambodian Police, between democratic revolutionaries and communist government agents.
    I arrived in Cambodia and began to search out the brothels of Siem Reap and Phnom Penh for under aged victims of sex slavery.  The sheer volume of young women, many sold into slavery by family members, and the horrible conditions of their lives overwhelmed Mikel and I.  We contacted an unwilling military unit through the US Embassy and a Special Forces unit through Mr. Nguyen’s contacts to assist us with retrieving some of these young girls, many barely 8 years old, from massage parlors and brothels.  I will never forget one of these girls.  She was 12 years old, from Vietnam, and identified to me only by the number 8 on her shirt as she sat behind the glass waiting for clients.  I selected her and took her into the massage room. I told her, “I only want to talk to you.” …That I was lonely and needed a friend.  During our thirty minute conversation, she told me that her mother was sick and needed an operation so her uncle sold her.  She was now forced to stay in the massage parlor and could not leave until she repaid her debt, $1,200 by sleeping with adult men, or until someone bought her freedom.  She was brokenhearted to learn that we could not get her out that night.  At 3:45 AM on November 20, I received a call from my contact telling me that the Special Forces were coming to pick me up for the raid.  I accompanied them on several raids that night. Each time the girls were taken out of the massage parlors and brothels and taken to a safe location established by the Cambodian military contacts. 
    The next morning, I tried to call the two regular military escorts who had been assigned to me for protection.  One of the soldiers told me in broken English that the Police (affiliated with the Communists) had sent assassins to kill the “Tall American”, that they had heard radio signals implicating my involvement and that they would no longer take my calls.  When I attempted to meet another one of the soldiers, he turned and ran from me, proclaiming, as he ran away, “Me no die, me no die.”  I sought out my colleague, Mikel Dunham, who had been in Ankor Watt, and told him that we needed to leave immediately.  We chose to avoid the airport and fled from those who were pursuing us.  We paid a taxi driver $100 to drive us to the other end of the country and programmed a cell phone for international calls so that we could make contact with US diplomats and people who might help us escape.  As I arrived at the hotel in an undisclosed location, we felt a huge sense of relief to see Special Forces commandos, sent by Mr. Nguyen. They met us at the hotel and escorted me to the airport.  It was not until after I arrived home that I found out that the Cambodian Police had recaptured the group of young girls and taken them away from the shelter to be resold into the sex trade.
As we followed the incident, we realized that many of these girls had been placed in a shelter funded by the US, thus bringing pressure to bear from the US government to find the victims and punish the traffickers.  The communist factions within the Cambodian military were pressuring the regular military officials and Police to hide the witnesses as well as the traffickers. As the Cambodian government found themselves in a “pickle” between the US and the Vietnamese government, it became clear to me that the most difficult aspect of slave retrievals in Cambodia was not finding victims, or brave men willing to liberate them. The most difficult aspect of the anti trafficking work would be what to do with the victims and the politics of Communism verses Democracy. As long as governments were profiting from the lucrative trade in persons and as long as corrupt Police officials were willing to participate in the trafficking of human beings, the cry of these young Vietnamese girls forced into prostitution would go unanswered.
    Upon my return to the United States, I began receiving threatening phone calls from former CNN political editors suggesting that things would not go well for me or my book, “The Jubilee Prophecy,” if I didn’t “keep my mouth shut.” I did lay low at the advice of my agent and publisher until the incident was officially written about and my report to Ambassador John Miller at the US State Department had been received. I had the opportunity to speak with Ambassador Miller regarding the incident a few months later at a conference in Burbank. The Ambassador suggested that the US government was not happy with the Cambodian Police regarding what has come to be known as “the Cambodian incident”, and that the US intended to do something about it. When US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice issued the official Trafficking in Persons Report for 2005, Cambodia received the worst possible rating, a Tier level 3, which paved the way with the legal status to impose US sanctions against Cambodia.
    I began researching factions in the Cambodian government who could help us protect victims. Through the advice of human rights activists in SE Asia such as Chanh Nguyen, I found that the recently appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Cambodia, the former Majority Senator and General of Special Forces, Mr. Nhek Bun Chhay, was attempting to pass legislation which would grant legal status for Vietnamese victims. Only, the Chief of Police in Phnom Penh, Hok Long Di, had blocked General Chhay’s human rights efforts. Were the politics of SE Asia keeping Vietnamese trafficking victims stuck between the cracks of society? Are the Cambodian Police, at the highest level, profiting from the illicit trade in young girls?
    In order to search for the answers to some of these questions I sought a plan to bring a letter of reference from Congressman and Senators in the US government to both perceived friends and foes in the Cambodian government. In April of 2005 I traveled again to Cambodia. At the time I presented the letter of reference from Congressman Joseph Pitts of Pennsylvania to General Nhek Bun Chhay, who was the majority ranking Senator. Despite Senator Chhay’s efforts to grant The United States International Mission “USIM” the ability to assist Vietnamese victims of human trafficking in Cambodia, the permits were not granted because of the opposition of the Chief of Police, Hok Long Di, and one month later, the Police began “detaining” USIM volunteers in Cambodia. Not only had the police blocked our efforts to retrieve and rehabilitate young girls from slavery, but now they were arresting and detaining our volunteers. Is it the politics of the Free Vietnam group aligned with Mr. Nguyen that they are so concerned about in Cambodia, or is it the lucrative and extremely profitable multi million dollar trade in Vietnamese girls?
   I was amazed that the same group of people who had re-abducted the Vietnamese human trafficking victims in November 2004 were still trying with all their power to keep things as they were. The US was pumping money into Cambodia for victims of Human Trafficking. Groups like World Vision were taking the money, but no one was speaking out about the fact that the majority of the victims, who are predominately Vietnamese were not being allowed access to the protection, aid, or assistance, and in fact, at the highest level of the Police bureaucracy, officials were doing everything they could to prevent a change in policy, which could assist the Vietnamese victims.

What remains to be done in Cambodia?
    Members of USIM are actively pursuing additional letters of reference from Senator Sam Brownback and from Ambassador John Miller to urge the Cambodian government to rethink their policy which denies non Cambodian victims of human slavery access to protection, humanitarian aid, and assistance. Now we are working to free human trafficking victims and our volunteers from captivity in Cambodia. Mr. Chanh Nguyen continues to be the most controversial and outspoken defender of human rights on behalf of Vietnamese victims, but the question remains…
Who will speak for the victims?
    Certainly factions in both the US Government and in the Cambodian government have not done enough. But there are good leaders like Congressman Pitts, Chanh Nguyen, and Deputy Prime Minister Chhay, who are trying to help Vietnamese victims of human trafficking in Cambodia.
    The real question is not whether or not as a society we will support Communism or Democracy in Vietnam and Cambodia. The real question is whether or not we will defend human rights.



19-12-2005

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